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Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure. Free Press,pp. As has been implied in earlier sections, the distinction between manifest and latent functions was devised to preclude the inadvertent confusion, often found in the sociological literature, between conscious motivations for social behavior and its objective consequences.

Our scrutiny of current vocabularies of functional analysis has shown how easily, and how unfortunately, the sociologist may identify motives with functions.

It was further indicated that the motive and the function vary independently and that the failure to register this fact in an established terminology has contributed to the unwitting tendency among sociologists to confuse the subjective categories of motivation with the objective categories of function.

This, then, is the central purpose of our succumbing to the not-always-commendable practice of introducing new terms into the rapidly growing technical vocabulary of sociology, a practice regarded by many laymen as an affront to their intelligence and an offense against common intelligibility.

As will be readily recognized, I have adapted the terms "manifest" and "latent" Manifest and latent functions of hookup their use in another context by Freud although Francis Bacon had long ago spoken of "latent process" and "latent configuration" in connection with processes which are below the threshold of superficial observation.

The distinction itself has been repeatedly drawn by observers of human behavior at irregular intervals over a span of many centuries. We need mention only a few of those who have, in recent decades, found it necessary to distinguish in their specific interpretations of behavior between the end-in-view and the functional consequences of action.

While the most admirable of humanitarian efforts are sure to run counter to the individual interests of very many in the community, or fail to touch the interest and imagination of the multitude and to leave the community divided or indifferent, the cry of thief or Manifest and latent functions of hookup is attuned to profound complexes, lying below the surface of competing individual efforts, and citizens who have [been] separated by divergent interests stand together against the common enemy.

Emile Durkheim's 66 similar analysis of the social functions of punishment is Manifest and latent functions of hookup focused on its latent functions consequences for the community rather than confined to manifest functions consequences for the criminal. From recurrent needs arise habits for the individual and customs for the group, but these results are consequences which were never conscious, and never foreseen or intended.

They are not noticed until they have long existed, and it is still longer before they are appreciated.

Dysfunctions are unintended (latent functions)...

In addition to the direct effects of institutions, "there are further effects by way of control which lie outside the direct purposes of men. Whatever is the predominant, official common interest upon which the institution is founded, the association as a concrete group of human personalities unofficially involves many other interests; the social contacts between its members are not limited to their common pursuit, though the latter, of course, constitutes both the main reason for which the association is formed and the most permanent bond which holds it together.

Owing to this combination of an abstract political, economic, or rather rational mechanism for the satisfaction of specific needs with the concrete unity of a social group, the new institution is also the best intermediary link between the peasant primary-group and the secondary national Manifest and latent functions of hookup.

Manifest and latent functions are...

These and numerous other sociological observers have, then, from time to time distinguished between categories of subjective disposition "needs, interests, purposes" and categories of generally unrecognized but objective functional consequences "unique advantages," "never conscious" consequences, "unintended. Since the occasion for making the distinction arises with great frequency, and since the purpose of a conceptual scheme is to direct observations toward salient elements of a situation and to prevent the inadvertent oversight of these elements, it would seem justifiable to designate this distinction by an appropriate set of terms.

This is the rationale for the distinction between manifest functions and latent functions; the first referring to those objective consequences for a specified unit person, subgroup, social or cultural system which contribute to its adjustment or adaptation and were so intended; the second referring to unintended and unrecognized consequences of the same order.

There are some indications that the christening of this distinction may serve a heuristic purpose by becoming incorporated into an explicit conceptual apparatus, thus aiding both systematic observation and later analysis. In recent years, for example, the distinction between manifest and latent functions has been utilized in analyses of racial intermarriage, 70 social stratification, 71 affective frustration, 72 Veblen's sociological theories, 73 prevailing American orientations toward Russia, 74 propaganda as a means of social control, 75 Malinowski's anthropological theory, 76 Navajo witchcraft, 77 problems in the sociology of knowledge, 78 fashion, 79 the dynamics of personality, 80 national security measures, 81 the internal social dynamics of bureaucracy, 82 and a great variety of other sociological problems.

The very diversity of these subject-matters suggests that the theoretic distinction between manifest and Manifest and latent functions of hookup functions is not bound up with a limited and particular range of human behavior. But there still remains the large task of ferreting out the specific uses to which this distinction can be put, and it is to this large task that we devote the remaining pages of this chapter. Clarifies the analysis of seemingly irrational social patterns.

In the first place, the distinction aids the sociological interpretation of many social practices which persist even though their manifest purpose is clearly not achieved.

The time-worn procedure in such instances has been for diverse, particularly lay, observers to refer to these practices as "superstitions," "irrationalities," "mere inertia of tradition," etc. In Manifest and latent functions of hookup words, when group behavior does not-- and, indeed, often cannot--attain its ostensible purpose there is an inclination to attribute its occurrence to lack of intelligence, sheer ignorance, survivals, or so-called inertia.

Thus, the Hopi ceremonials designed to produce abundant rainfall may be labelled a superstitious practice of primitive folk and that is assumed to conclude the matter. It should be noted that this in no sense accounts for the group behavior. It is simply a case of name-calling; it substitutes the epithet "superstition" for an analysis of the actual role of this behavior in the life of the group. Given the concept of latent function, however, we are reminded that this behavior may perform a function for the group, although this function may be quite remote from the avowed purpose of the behavior.

The concept of latent function extends the observer's attention beyond the question of whether or not the behavior attains its avowed purpose. Temporarily ignoring these explicit purposes, it directs attention toward another range of consequences: Were one to confine himself to the problem of whether a manifest purposed function occurs, it becomes a problem, not for the sociologist, but for the meteorologist.

And to be sure, our meteorologists agree that the rain ceremonial does not produce rain; but this is hardly to the point. It is merely to say that the ceremony does not have this technological use; that this purpose of the ceremony and its actual consequences do not coincide. But with the concept of latent function, we continue our inquiry, examining the consequences of the ceremony not for the rain gods or for meteorological phenomena, but for the groups which conduct the ceremony.

And here it may be found, as many observers indicate, that the ceremonial does indeed have functions--but functions which are non-purposed or latent. Ceremonials Manifest and latent functions of hookup fulfill the latent function of reinforcing the group identity by providing a periodic occasion on which the scattered members of a group assemble to engage in a common activity.

As Durkheim among others long since indicated, such ceremonials are a means by which collective expression is afforded the sentiments which, in a further analysis, are found to be a basic source of group unity. Through the systematic application of the concept of latent function, therefore, apparently irrational behavior may at times be found to be positively functional for the group. Operating with the concept of latent function, we are not too quick to conclude that if an activity of a group does not achieve its nominal purpose, then its persistence can be described only as an instance of "inertia," "survival," or "manipulation by powerful subgroups in the society.

In point of fact, some conception like that of latent function has very often, almost Manifest and latent functions of hookup, been employed by "Manifest and latent functions of hookup" scientists observing a standardized practice designed to achieve an objective which one knows from accredited physical science cannot be thus achieved. This would plainly be the case, for example, with Pueblo rituals dealing with rain or fertility. But with behavior which is not directed toward a clearly unattainable objective, sociological observers are less likely to examine the collateral or latent functions of the behavior.

Directs attention to theoretically fruitful fields of inquiry. The distinction between manifest and latent functions Manifest and latent functions of hookup further to direct the attention of the sociologist to precisely those realms of behavior, attitude and belief where he can most fruitfully apply his special skills.

For what is his task if he confines himself to the study of manifest functions? He is then concerned very largely with determining whether a practice instituted for a particular purpose does, in fact, achieve this purpose. He will then inquire, for example, whether a new system of wage-payment achieves its avowed purpose of reducing labor turnover or of increasing output.

He will ask whether a propaganda campaign has indeed gained its objective of increasing "willingness to fight" or "willingness to buy war bonds," or "tolerance toward other ethnic groups. But, so long as sociologists confine themselves to the study of manifest functions, their inquiry is set for them by practical men of affairs whether a captain of industry, a trade union leader, or, conceivably, a Navaho chieftain, is for the moment immaterialrather than by the theoretic problems which are at the core of the discipline.

By dealing primarily with the realm of manifest functions, with the key problem of whether deliberately instituted practices or organizations succeed in achieving their objectives, the sociologist becomes converted into an industrious and skilled recorder of the altogether familiar pattern of behavior.

The terms of appraisal are fixed and limited by the question put Manifest and latent functions of hookup him by the non-theoretic men of affairse. But armed with the concept of latent function, the sociologist extends his inquiry in those very directions which promise most for the theoretic development of the discipline.

He examines the familiar or planned social practice to ascertain the latent, and hence generally unrecognized, functions as well, of course, as the manifest functions. He considers for example, the consequences of the new wage plan for, say, the trade union in which the workers are organized or the consequences of a propaganda program, not only for increasing its avowed purpose of stirring up patriotic fervor, but also for making large numbers of people reluctant to speak their minds when they differ with official policies, etc.

In short, it is suggested that the distinctive intellectual contributions of the sociologist are found primarily in the study of unintended consequences among which are latent functions of social practices, as well as in the study of anticipated consequences among which are manifest functions.

There is some evidence that it is precisely at the point where the research attention of sociologists has shifted from the plane of manifest Manifest and latent functions of hookup the plane of latent functions that they have made their distinctive and major contributions.

This can be extensively documented but a few passing illustrations must suffice. For some two and a half years, attention was focused on problems such as this: The initial results showed that within wide limits there was no uniform relation between illumination and output. Production output increased both in the experimental group where illumination was increased or decreased and in the control group where no changes in illumination were introduced. In short, the investigators confined themselves wholly to a search for the manifest functions.

Lacking a concept of latent social function, no attention whatever was initially paid to the social consequences of the experiment for relations among members of the test and control groups or for relations between workers and the test room authorities.

In other words, the investigators lacked a sociological frame of reference and operated merely as "engineers" just as a group of meteorologists might have explored the "effects" upon rainfall of the Hopi ceremonial. Only after continued investigation, did it occur to the research group to explore the consequences of the new "experimental situation" for the self-images and self-conceptions of the workers taking part in the experiment, for the interpersonal relations among members of the group, for the coherence and unity of the Manifest and latent functions of hookup. As Elton Mayo reports it, "the illumination fiasco had made them alert to the need that very careful records should be kept of everything that happened in the room in addition to the obvious engineering and industrial devices.

Their observations therefore included not only records of industrial and engineering changes but also records of physiological or medical changes, and, in a senseof social and anthropological. This last took the form of a 'log' that gave as full an account as possible of the actual events of every day.

No longer were the investigators interested in testing for the effects of single variables. In the place of a controlled experiment, they substituted the notion of a social situation which needed to be described and understood as a system of interdependent elements. The new conceptual scheme entirely altered the range and types of data gathered in the ensuing research. One has only to return to the previously quoted excerpt from Thomas and Znaniecki in their classical work of some thirty years ago, to recognize the correctness of Shils' remark:.

For Thomas and Znaniecki had repeatedly emphasized the sociological view that, whatever its major purpose, "the association as a concrete group of human personalities unofficially involves many other interests; the social contacts between its members are not limited to their common pursuit.

Manifest functions are conscious, deliberate...

It should be made clear that this case is not cited here as an instance of defective experimental design; that is not our immediate concern. It is considered only as an illustration of the pertinence for sociological inquiry of the concept of latent function, and the associated concepts of functional analysis.

It illustrates how the inclusion of this concept whether the term is used or not is inconsequential can sensitize sociological investigators to a range of significant social variables which are otherwise easily overlooked. The explicit ticketing of the concept may perhaps lessen the frequency of such occasions of discontinuity in future sociological research.

The discovery of latent functions represents significant increments in sociological knowledge. There is another respect in which inquiry into latent functions represents a distinctive contribution of the social scientist. It is precisely the latent functions of a practice or belief which are not common knowledge, for these are unintended and generally unrecognized social and psychological consequences. As a result, findings concerning latent functions represent a greater increment in knowledge than findings concerning manifest functions.

They represent, also, greater departures from "common-sense" knowledge about social life. Inasmuch as the latent functions depart, more or less, from the avowed manifest functions, the research which uncovers latent functions very often produces "paradoxical" results.

The seeming Manifest and latent functions of hookup arises from the sharp modification of a familiar popular preconception which regards a standardized practice or belief only in terms of its manifest functions by indicating some of its subsidiary or collateral latent functions.

The introduction of the concept of latent function in social research leads to conclusions which show that "social life is not as simple as it first seems.

Moral evaluations, generally based on these manifest consequences, tend to be polarized in terms of black or white.

But the perception of further latent consequences often complicates the picture. Problems of moral evaluation which are not our immediate concern and problems of social engineering which are our concern 87 both take on the additional complexities usually involved in responsible social decisions. An example of inquiry which implicitly uses "Manifest and latent functions of hookup" notion of latent function will illustrate the sense in which "paradox"--discrepancy between the apparent, merely manifest, function and the actual, which also includes latent functions tends to occur as a result of including this concept.

Thus, Manifest and latent functions of hookup revert to Veblen's well-known analysis of conspicuous consumption, it is no accident that he has been recognized as a social analyst gifted with an eye for the paradoxical, the ironic, the satiric. For these are frequent, if not inevitable, outcomes of applying the concept of latent function or its equivalent. References to some of the more significant among these Manifest and latent functions of hookup appearances Manifest and latent functions of hookup the distinction will be found in Merton, "Unanticipated consequences.

Mead, "The psychology of punitive justice," American Journal of Sociology,23,esp. As suggested earlier in this chapter, Durkheim adopted a functional orientation throughout his work, and he operates, albeit often without explicit notice, with concepts equivalent to that of latent function in all of his researches.

The reference in the text at this point is to his "Deux lois de l'evolution penule," L'annee sociologique, 4,as well as to his Division of Labor in Society Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, This one of his many such observations is of course from W.

Dysfunctions are unintended (latent functions) and have a negative effect on society. Merton's manifest and latent functions are what we chose to focus on. the connection of Merton's concepts to this particular commercial. Manifest functions are conscious, deliberate and beneficial, the latent ones the The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition. manifest functions of dating latent functions of dating norm in society ( especially among younger generations) in which people hook up with one another for.

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In more complex societies, such as the United States, members look to trained professionals to pass on knowledge and skills to children and adults alike. While the most admirable of humanitarian efforts are sure to run counter to the individual interests of very many in the community, or fail to touch the interest and imagination of the multitude and to leave the community divided or indifferent, the cry of thief or murderer is attuned to profound complexes, lying below the surface of competing individual efforts, and citizens who have [been] separated by divergent interests stand together against the common enemy.

In other words, the investigators lacked a sociological frame of reference and operated merely as "engineers" just as a group of meteorologists might have explored the "effects" upon rainfall of the Hopi ceremonial. The terms of appraisal are fixed and limited by the question put to him by the non-theoretic men of affairs , e. Many are taught that by following 'God's rule,' we will be rewarded in the afterlife. Such people frequently seek medical attention for anxiety or depression instead of their personality disorder.


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Manifest Functions in Sociology: Examples & Summary

Merton, Social Theory and Venereal Structure. Freed Press, Custom, pp. As has bygone implied in earlier sections, the difference between show and latent functions was devised to preclude the inadvertent pandemonium, often initiate in the sociological pamphlets, between purposive motivations recompense social nature and its objective consequences.

Our study of now vocabularies of functional scrutiny has shown how undeniably, and how unfortunately, the sociologist may identify motives with functions. It was further indicated that the motive and the commission vary independently and that the deficiency to money box this in point of fact in an established phraseology has contributed to the unwitting trend among sociologists to make a balls-up of the personal categories of motivation with the just categories of function.

That, then, is the principal purpose of our succumbing to the not-always-commendable convention of introducing new terms into the rapidly growing technical vocabulary of sociology, a drill regarded at near many laymen as an affront to their nous and an offense against common intelligibility.

As last will and testament be unhesitatingly recognized, I have adapted the terms "manifest" and "latent" from their abuse in another context nearby Freud although Francis Bacon had drawn out ago oral of "latent process" and "latent configuration" in connecting with processes which are below the threshold of superficial reflection. The renown itself has been repetitively drawn by means of observers of human mien at extraordinary intervals upwards a bridge of multitudinous centuries.

We need animadvert on only a few of those who have, in recent decades, found it necessary to distinguish in their definite interpretations of behavior tween the end-in-view and the functional consequences of activity.

While the most wonderful of humanitarian efforts are sure to run marker to the individual interests of jolly many in the community, or miss to deftness the attention and insight of the multitude and to quit the community divided or indifferent, the cry of thief or murderer is attuned to profound complexes, lying under the materialize of competing individual efforts, and citizens who enjoy [been] separated by discrepant interests brave together against the prosaic enemy.

Emile Durkheim's 66 similar scrutiny of the social functions of dressing-down is besides focused on its latent functions consequences for the community instead than confined to palpable functions consequences for the criminal.

From recurrent requirements arise habits for the individual and customs the crowd, but these results are consequences which were not in any way conscious, and never foreseen or intended. They are not noticed until they have protracted existed, and it is still longer before they are appreciated.

  • DYSFUNCTIONS ARE UNINTENDED (LATENT FUNCTIONS) AND HAVE A NEGATIVE EFFECT ON SOCIETY. MERTON'S MANIFEST AND...
  • MANIFEST AND LATENT FUNCTIONS ARE SOCIAL SCIENTIFIC CONCEPTS CREATED BY ANTHROPOLOGIST, BRONISLAW MALINOWSKI IN WHILE STUDYING THE TROBIAND ISLANDERS...

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